Freedom of the Park

本文探讨了五名售卖特定政治立场报纸的人士在海德公园外被捕一事,引发了关于言论自由界限及其在不同政府时期的实施变化的重要讨论。文章质疑警方行动背后的政治考量,并呼吁关注法律实施与公众舆论之间的微妙平衡。
 

A few weeks ago, five people who were selling papers outside Hyde Park were arrested by the police for obstruction. When taken before the magistartes, they were all found guilty, four of them being bound over for six months and the other sentenced to forty shillings fine or a month's imprisonments. He preferred to serve his term.

The papers these people were selling were Peace News, Forward and Freedom, besides other kindred literature. Peace news is the organ of the Peace Pledge Union, Freedom (till recently called war Commentary) is that of the Anarchists; as for Forward, its politics defy definition, but at any rate it is violently Left. The magistrate, in passing sentence, stated that he was not influenced by the nature of the literature that was being sold; he was concerned merely with the fact of obstruction, and that this offence had technically been committed.

This raises several important points. To begin with, how does the law stand on the subject? As far as I can discover, selling newspapers in the street is technically an obstruction, at any rate if you fail to move when the police tell you to. So it would be legally possible for any policeman who felt like it to arrest any newsboy for selling the Evening News. Obviously this doesn't happen, so that the enforcement of the law depends on the discretion of the police.

And what makes the police decide to arrest one man rather than another? However it may be with the magistrate, I find it hard to believe that in this case the police were not influenced by political considerations. It is a bit too much of a coincidence that they should have picked on people selling just those papers.

If they had also arrested someone selling Truth, or the Tablet, or the Spectator, or even the Church Times, their impartiality would be easier to believe in.

The British police are not like the continental gendarmerie or Gestapo, but I do not think [sic] one maligns them in saying that, in the past, they have been unfriendly to Left-wing activities. They have generally shown a tendency to side with those whom they regarded as the defenders of private property. Till quite recently “red” and “illegal” were almost synonymous, and it was always the seller of, say the Daily Worker, never the seller of say, the Daily Telegraph, who was moved on and generally harassed. Apparently it can be the same, at any rate at moments, under a Labour Government.

A thing I would like to know — it is a thing we hear very little about — is what changes are made in the administrative personnel when there has been a change of government.. Does a police officer who has a vague notion that “Socialism” means something against the law carry on just the same when the government itself is Socialist?

When a Labour government takes over, I wonder what happens to Scotland Yard Special Branch? To Military Intelligence? We are not told, but such symptoms as there are do not suggest that any very extensive shuffling is going on.

However, the main point of this episode is that the sellers of newspapers and pamphlets should be interfered with at all. Which particular minority is singled out — whether Pacifists, Communists, Anarchists, Jehovah's Witness of the Legion of Christian Reformers who recently declared Hitler to be Jesus Christ — is a secondary matter. It is of symptomatic importance that these people should have been arrested at that particular spot. You are not allowed to sell literature inside Hyde Park, but for many years past it has been usual for the paper-sellers to station themselves outside the gates and distribute literature connected with the open air meetings a hundred yards away. Every kind of publication has been sold there without interference.

The degree of freedom of the press existing in this country is often over-rated. Technically there is great freedom, but the fact that most of the press is owned by a few people operates in much the same way as State censorship. On the other hand, freedom of speech is real. On a platform, or in certain recognised open air spaces like Hyde Park, you can say almost anything, and, what is perhaps more significant, no one is frightened to utter his true opinions in pubs, on the tops of busses, and so forth.

The point is that the relative freedom which we enjoy depends of public opinion. The law is no protection. Governments make laws, but whether they are carried out, and how the police behave, depends on the general temper in the country. If large numbers of people are interested in freedom of speech, there will be freedom of speech, even if the law forbids it; if public opinion is sluggish, inconvenient minorities will be persecuted, even if laws exist to protect them. The decline in the desire for individual liberty has not been so sharp as I would have predicted six years ago, when the war was starting, but still there has been a decline. The notion that certain opinions cannot safely be allowed a hearing is growing. It is given currency by intellectuals who confuse the issue by not distinguishing between democratic opposition and open rebellion, and it is reflected in our growing indifference to tyranny and injustice abroad. And even those who declare themselves to be in favour of freedom of opinion generally drop their claim when it is their own adversaries who are being prosecutued.

I am not suggesting that the arrest of five people for selling harmless newspapers is a major calamity. When you see what is happening in the world today, it hardly seems worth squeeling about such a tiny incident. All the same, it is not a good syptom that such things should happen when the war is well over, and I should feel happier if this and the long series of similar episodes that have preceded it, were capable of raising a genuine popular clamour, and not merely a mild flutter in sections of the minority press.

1945

THE END

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<think>嗯,用户的问题是关于有限元分析中的“pivotterm atUZdegreeof freedomnode”。首先,我需要理解这两个术语在有限元分析中的含义。“UZ degreeof freedom”应该指的是节点在Z方向上的位移自由度。在结构力学中,每个节点通常有六个自由度:三个平移(UX、UY、UZ)和三个旋转(ROTX、ROTY、ROTZ)。所以UZ代表沿Z轴的移动。接下来是“pivot term”,这可能在有限元求解的上下文中出现。在数值分析中,主元(pivot)通常与矩阵分解相关,比如高斯消元法中的主元素选择。主元的选择影响数值稳定性和解的准确性。在有限元分析中,刚度矩阵可能出现奇异或病态,导致求解困难,这时候主元可能会出现问题,提示存在刚体运动或约束不足。用户可能遇到的情况是,在求解过程中,系统提示在UZ自由度上的主元项存在问题,比如主元过小或为负,这可能意味着模型在该方向缺乏约束,导致刚度矩阵奇异。例如,如果结构在Z方向没有足够的支撑,UZ自由度没有约束,刚度矩阵对应行列可能接近零,导致主元异常。需要参考提供的引用资料。引用[1]提到有限元分析的软件平台和建模技巧,可能涉及ANSYS中的约束设置。引用[2]和[3]讨论有限元的基础理论和求解方法,可能解释主元问题的数学背景。 用户可能的问题场景是,在有限元软件中运行分析时遇到错误,提示UZ方向的主元问题。解决方案应检查模型的约束条件,确保所有必要的自由度被正确限制,特别是在Z方向。此外,材料属性或单元类型错误也可能导致刚度矩阵异常。需要生成相关问题,可能涉及如何识别约束不足、主元问题的调试方法、不同软件中的处理方式等。</think>### 有限元分析中的"UZ自由度节点主元项"解释 在有限元分析中,"UZ degree of freedom"表示节点沿Z轴的平动自由度,而"pivot term"是刚度矩阵求解过程中的关键数值指标,与方程组的数值稳定性直接相关[^1][^2]。 #### 1. 主元项(pivot term)的数学意义 $$ \mathbf{K}\mathbf{U} = \mathbf{F} $$ 在求解刚度矩阵方程时,高斯消元法会产生主元项。主元绝对值过小(例如$<10^{-12}$)会导致数值误差,负主元则可能表示: - 约束不足导致的刚体运动 - 材料参数定义错误 - 单元类型选择不当 #### 2. UZ自由度相关的主元问题 当出现"pivot term at UZ"警告时,通常意味着: 1. Z方向缺少约束(如未定义支座) 2. 单元局部坐标系与全局坐标系方向冲突 3. 接触条件定义错误导致Z向刚度丢失 #### 3. 解决方法 ```python # 伪代码示例:检查约束条件 def check_constraints(model): for node in model.nodes: if node.UZ.constraint == 'FREE': print(f"警告: 节点{node.id}在Z向未约束!") suggest_add_support(node) ``` 实际工程案例:某桥梁模型因未设置抗震支座,导致Z向主元异常,通过添加弹簧约束后问题解决[^3]。
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